Friday, June 5, 2009

24 hours that changed Singapore

24 hours that changed Singapore

Fifty years ago, on June 3, 1959, a new Singapore came into being, with a new government of Singaporeans, for Singaporeans. Some who were there recall those 'Merdeka' moments

By Li Xueying, Political Correspondent and Jeremy Au Yong, Political Correspondent

AT MIDNIGHT, the music stopped.
Over the airways of Singapore's only two radio stations - one English, one Mandarin - Elvis Presley fell silent, as did the Chinese orchestra.

What came on instead, at 12.01am on June 3, 1959, were the crisp, solemn tones of the British Governor, Sir William Goode.

He delivered a short, terse message. At the Chinese-language radio station, an interpreter simultaneously translated it into Mandarin.

Sir William intoned: 'Whereas by Section 2 of the Singapore (Constitution) Order in Council, 1958, (in this proclamation referred to as 'the order'), it is provided that the order shall come into operation on such day as the Governor may appoint by proclamation in the Gazette.

'Now, therefore, in exercise of the powers conferred upon me by Section 2 of the Singapore (Constitution) Order in Council, 1958, I, William Allmond Codrington Goode, Knight Commander of the Most Distinguished Order of St Michael and St George, Governor and Commander-in-Chief of the Colony of Singapore, do hereby appoint the third day of June, 1959, as the day on which the aforesaid Singapore (Constitution) Order in Council 1958, shall come into operation.'

With these words, a new State of Singapore came into being and a new government of Singaporeans was in charge.

It was led by Mr Lee Kuan Yew whose People's Action Party (PAP) had won 43 out of 51 seats during the General Election a few days earlier on May 30.

That poll saw twelve political parties taking part, and a voter turnout of 600,000. Reflecting the largely migrant population then, less than half - 270,000 - had been born in Singapore.

Self-government meant that apart from defence and foreign affairs matters which remained under British control, the PAP government would have to take care of everything else about the state - from housing and health to education and transport.

In a small attap house in Jurong, Mr Chor Yeok Eng listened to Sir William's message, his heart full.

The 29-year-old, just elected legislative assemblyman for Jurong, had specially stayed up with his wife to listen to the announcement.

And even though it was long past their bedtime, their three young children were also wide awake, infected by the adults' excitement without quite knowing what it was about.

Mr Chor explained to them the significance of the proclamation: Exactly 140 years after Sir Stamford Raffles set foot on the island, Singapore was henceforth a self-governing state.

'I told them, after so many years of struggle, Singaporeans finally saw some fruits,' Mr Chor, now 79, recalls in Mandarin. 'It was the first step of our journey towards independence.'

He later became Senior Parliamentary Secretary for Environment.

IN A house in Oxley Road, a seven-year-old boy was more occupied with the commemorative stamps issued to mark the occasion.

Too young to stay up for Sir William's announcement, he had nevertheless pored over the set of six stamps - valued at 4, 10, 20, 25, 30 and 50 cents - which his grandfather had bought him.

Recalls Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong: 'Commemorative stamps were issued, with a picture of a Singapore lion and the Padang, but still showing a portrait of the Queen.

'I collected stamps, so my grandfather bought me a set, on a first-day cover.'

A Primary 2 student then at Nanyang Primary, he was 'too young to appreciate fully what self-government meant', Mr Lee tells Insight.

But 'I did understand that with self-government, Singapore would now have a Prime Minister instead of a Chief Minister, and more authority over our own affairs', he says.

He also knew that 'the PAP had fought a tough General Election, and won a famous victory'.

'There had been much hubbub at our home in Oxley Road in the preparations for the election,' he says.

The house was stacked with posters, polling cards, and electoral registers. Party workers were coming and going.

Outside, there was a similar buzz in the air, recalls retired permanent secretary Ngiam Tong Dow, then a 22-year-old cub reporter with The Straits Times. 'It was a big step forward: we were going to be responsible for our own economy, our education system.'

At 4pm that fateful day, people started making their way to the Padang. Some walked. Others took the bus.

The idea was to position themselves for a victory mass rally by the PAP that was to start at 6.45pm.

Many were blue-collar workers, like factory operators, who were strong supporters of the party.

Others were simply curious Singaporeans who wanted to see at first-hand history in the making.

In the crowd was Tan Kok Kiong, 18, who had come from school with a few friends from Chung Cheng High School.

'We were excited because we were going to rule our own country, and we can have our voice,' says Mr Tan, now 68 and a lawyer. 'Although we didn't know what was going to happen - Will there really be a change from the British rule? - the fact was that we were going to be the boss of our country.'

They jostled their way past sweaty human bodies and got themselves a vantage position in the middle section. Still, they were not able to see the speakers on the steps of City Hall, they only heard their voices thundering through the giant speakers.

Also making his way through the crowd, while protecting his camera, was Mr Mak Kian Seng. The 20-year-old had joined The Straits Times five years earlier as an apprentice photographer and was determined to prove his mettle.

He manoeuvred to the front of the crowd, and waited.

Hundreds of metres away, in a room inside the building, another photographer was doing his work too.

'Closer, closer.' He hustled together the 51 PAP candidates - including the seven who lost - who had stood for election on May 30.

The nine men who were to be the ministers in Singapore's first self-government Cabinet sat down in chairs in the front row. The rest lined up behind.

The flash went off, and a photo of the group, dressed in blinding white on white - 'to denote purity', a PAP spokesman told The Straits Times then - was taken for posterity.

THE sunlight was waning when at 6.45pm, the band of men and women stepped out into the public glare of scrutiny.

Behind them, more than 600 multi-coloured banners fluttered from the columns of the City Hall.

Before them, a crowd of an estimated 50,000 to 80,000, roared 'Merdeka!', and surged forward to where police officers and trusted PAP members linked arms, forming a line separating the masses from the platform.

Standing there, Mr Chan Chee Seng felt overwhelmed with 'happiness and confidence'.

Elected in Jalan Besar, the Mandarin-speaking 27-year-old who later became the PAP's party whip from 1963 to 1984, recalls the inequality that existed under the British colonialists.

The son of Mr Chan Kok Chee, a founding member of the Singapore Chinese Chamber of Commerce and Industry, he bristles at the memory of how he and his mother were once shoo-ed off a public bus for having the temerity to want to sit at its front half - reserved for the British.

He thought to himself: 'Previously, it was the British running the show. We Singaporeans were second class. Now, we hold our destiny in our own hands.'

It was this sense of empowerment that perhaps drove the crowd to shout 'Merdeka' and to wave banners as Mr Lee introduced each of the 43 successful candidates that Singaporeans had elected.

Seven speakers, including the party's chairman Toh Chin Chye and its economic expert Dr Goh Keng Swee, received 'a tremendous ovation', reported The Straits Times then.

But the climax came when Mr Lee took to the stage as the last speaker.

He spoke. The crowd quietened down.

'Once, in a long while in the history of a people, there comes a moment of great change. Tonight is such a moment in our lives.'

He reminded his listeners of the poignant significance of where they were standing.

'Do you know, we wanted to use this Padang for our election rallies at night, but a small group of Europeans who were given this field by the former colonial government refused it, although they only use it in the day for a few people to play games.'

He vowed: 'Well, times have changed and will stay changed.'

Mr Lee raised his arm, clenching his fist, as he roared: 'Merdeka!' The crowd roared an enthusiastic response.

Photographer Mak scrambled to get photos of the emotions etched on the faces. 'It was all very exciting,' he says. 'I was taking photos, so I couldn't shout Merdeka. But in our hearts we were doing the same thing.'

Just an hour later, the rally ended, with the PAP marching from City Hall to Parliament House.

But not the celebrations.

Some started setting off firecrackers, recalls Mr Chor. 'They weren't banned then,' he remarks with a chuckle.

He met his supporters, and they headed back to his branch in Jurong by bus.

'There, we had a simple discussion, no big celebration. We didn't have a lot of money then.'

By midnight - a full 24 hours after Singapore became self-governing - all were home, asleep.

THE photos came out well, but it was not a picture-perfect day .

It was a time fraught with uncertainties.

Emotions went both ways.

Mixed in with the celebrations was the very real fear of the growing communist influence. Suspicions swirled that even the PAP had been infiltrated by the communists.

Mr Douglas Miller, 87, was then working in the British Special Branch. He was in charge of processing the information that was obtained through sources like the field agents. (Note: Mr Miller died on May 4, a week after this interview.)

He clearly recalled the tension surrounding that day and even joked that 'self-governance meant more work'.

He says: 'A lot of work had to be done behind the scenes to make sure the security was intact. The department's concern was to ensure that things went off peacefully and were not disrupted by the communists. At that time, even after that time, the communist threat was so great.'

The various groups also felt differently about the occasion. With speculation rife about PAP's communist connections, the English-educated were especially uneasy.

It did not help when Dr Goh made it plain during the rally that the English-educated would lose the privileges they had enjoyed under the British, and would have to compete on equal terms with everyone else.

The changes were foreboding and even frightening for the older generation in the group, recalls Mr David Naidu, then a 19-year-old journalist and now 69.

'They knew no rule other than British rule. When they sang 'God Save The Queen', they meant it.

'I remember my mother trying to understand - leave alone accept - the political winds of change swirling at her doorstep.'

Her memory, he says, was already 'scarred' by the short-lived political career of Singapore's first chief minister David Marshall and the death of four people in the Hock Lee bus riots in 1955.

'And now, with the granting of self-government, she felt the British were abandoning the very people who had served them well. She spoke for many in her age group. On that fateful June morning, I could detect dejection in her voice.'

Many Eurasian families simply upped and left Singapore.

Mr John Oehlers, 60, whose father was Sir George Edward Noel Oehlers, the first Speaker of the Singapore Legislative Assembly, recalls that 'fear of communism was around at that time'.

'There were two distinct possibilities: mass migrate, or say, hey we're Singaporeans, we're Asians, we stay.'

Many in the Eurasian and Peranakan communities were upset by Dr Goh's speech, he says.

'Well, this was what we thought Singapore should be in the first place. And they were just a bit upset that he made that statement - we thought, hey we're with you, so stop it!'

At the same time, internally within the PAP, there were already schisms between the leaders and leftists like Mr Lim Chin Siong, who had the strong support of many Chinese-educated Singaporeans. These schisms were later to lead to a split of the party and the formation of the Barisan Sosialis.

Meanwhile for others, June 3 was a prelude to what would be an even more special day.

As the lawyer, Mr Tan puts it, it was 'just a warm-up exercise' for August 9, 1965 - the day Singapore achieved total independence as a nation.

xueying@sph.com.sg

May 30 2009

Monday, June 1, 2009

Teen model escapes 'abusive' Malaysian prince

Teen model escapes 'abusive' Malaysian prince
Buzz Up Send
Email IM Share
Delicious Digg Facebook Fark Newsvine Reddit StumbleUpon Technorati Yahoo! Bookmarks Print AFP – Teenage US-Indonesian model Manohara Odelia Pino, seen here,has returned to her family in Indonesia with … Mon Jun 1, 2:17 am ET
JAKARTA (AFP) – A teenage US-Indonesian model has returned to her family in Indonesia with tales of abuse, rape and torture at the hands of a Malaysian prince, after her dramatic escape with the help of Singapore police.

Manohara Odelia Pino, 17, told reporters she was treated like a sex slave after her marriage to Tengku Temenggong Mohammad Fakhry, the prince of Malaysia's Kelantan state, last year.

Her mother, Daisy Fajarina, said she would press charges against the prince and blamed the Malaysian and Indonesian governments for trying to cover up the abuse.

"The things I've been afraid of were revealed to be true. Manohara has suffered physical abuse. She's got several razor cuts on her chest," Fajarina told AFP on Monday.

"I will sue him. No parent could be silent if their child was treated in such a barbaric way."

The Malaysian government had ignored her pleas for access to her daughter and had blocked her from entering the country, she said, while the Indonesian embassy had said that Manohara was fine with her new husband.

But the young woman -- a well-known socialite in Jakarta -- said her life at the royal palace involved a "daily routine" of rape, abuse, torture and drug injections which made her vomit blood.

"I am still traumatised by all that happened and it has left an impact on me," she told reporters in Jakarta on Sunday, after escaping the royal family during a trip to Singapore over the weekend.

"Sexual abuse and sexual harassment were like a daily routine for me, and he did that every time I did not want to have sexual intercourse," she was quoted as saying in The Jakarta Globe.

"I could never think a normal man could do such things," she said, adding: "Some parts of my body were cut by a razor."

She said she was forced to pretend she was happy with the prince and to attend social functions with him as his happy young bride.

"Every time I went for events they forced me to smile and would torture me if I did not do what they said," she told the press conference.

She said she secretly called Singaporean police and pleaded for help after the royal family took her to the city state when they accompanied Fakhry's father, Sultan Ismail Petra Shah II, for medical treatment.

A spokesman for the Indonesian foreign ministry said the government would help Manohara if she wanted to file charges against her husband.

She has already filed for divorce.

There has been no comment from the Kelantan royal family or the Malaysian government.

Friday, May 29, 2009

SKorea, US upgrade alert after NKorea threat: ministry

AFP - Thursday, May 28SEOUL, (AFP) - - South Korean and US troops went on higher alert after North Korea announced it is scrapping the armistice that has been in force on the peninsula for more than five decades.
"As of 7:15 am Thursday (2215 GMT Wednesday), the US-South Korea Combined Forces Command upgraded Watch Conditions by a notch to Stage Two," Seoul's defence ministry said in a statement.

"Surveillance over the North will be stepped up, with more aircraft and personnel mobilised," said spokesman Won Tae-Jae.

North Korea announced Wednesday it was abandoning the armistice that ended the 1950-53 Korean War and warned it could launch a military attack on the South, two days after testing an atomic bomb for the second time.

Its latest display of anger was prompted by the South's decision to join a US-led international initiative to stop the spread of weapons of mass destruction.

The Proliferation Security Initiative ( PSI ) can involve stopping and searching ships.

The North said its military would no longer be bound by the truce that ended hostilities in the war, in which the United States led a United Nations force defending the South.

"Any tiny hostile acts against our republic, including the stopping and searching of our peaceful vessels... will face an immediate and strong military strike in response," its military said.

The United States still has 28,500 troops stationed in South Korea.

Won said it was the fourth time since 1982 that the watch conditions (Watchcon) had been upgraded to stage two. The last time was in October 2006, after the North's first nuclear test.

He said surveillance would be focused along the Demilitarised Zone which divides the peninsula, the Joint Security Area at Panmunjom village and the Northern Limit Line -- the disputed border in the Yellow Sea.

"We are maintaining a tight defence posture to prevent the North's military provocations," Won said. "The military will deal sternly with provocative acts."

The North has previously threatened to abandon the truce.

"This is the fifth time in 15 years that they've sought to nullify the armistice governing the Korean War," said White House spokesman Robert Gibbs in Washington.

"I think their actions would be better focused on living up to their rights and obligations."

Analysts said there was a growing possibility of limited armed conflict between the two Koreas.

"The possibility of military clashes, especially at the potential flashpoints near the sea border, are becoming reality," Paik Hak-Soon of the Sejong Institute told AFP.

"Should a naval clash occur again, we're going to see a very different one from the past two," Paik said in reference to naval battles in 1999 and 2002 which were "localised" incidents.

Professor Kim Yong-Hyun, of Dongguk University, said the North was likely to follow up by firing short-range missiles or artillery shells into the Yellow Sea, or by capturing South Korean fishing boats near the disputed border.

"We're watching a game of chicken being played on the Korean peninsula," Kim told journalists.

The US-led UN Command said it remained committed to the armistice, which "has served as the legal basis for the ceasefire in Korea for over 55 years and significantly contributes to stability in the region.

"The armistice remains in force and is binding on all signatories, including North Korea," it said in a statement. "The UN Command will adhere to the terms of the armistice and the mechanisms that support it."

Christian couple convicted for anti-Muslim booklets

Christian couple convicted for anti-Muslim booklets

AFP - Friday, May 29SINGAPORE (AFP) - - A Christian Singaporean couple were found guilty of sedition on Thursday for distributing evangelical publications that cast Islam in a negative light, court officials said.


Ong Kian Cheong and his wife Dorothy Chan had been charged with distributing a seditious publication to two Muslims in October and March 2007 and sending a second such booklet to another Muslim in December that same year, a district court official told AFP.

The publications were found to have promoted feelings of ill-will and hostility between Christians and Muslims, the Straits Times said on its website.

A hearing was set for June 4 for mitigation pleas and sentencing.

The sedition charge carries a jail term of up to three years or a fine of up to 5,000 Singapore dollars (3,437 US) or both.

Singapore, a multi-racial island nation, clamps down hard on anyone seen to be inciting communal tensions.

In 2005, two ethnic Chinese men were jailed for anti-Muslim blogs.

The following year, a Singaporean blogger received a stern warning after posting cartoons mocking Jesus Christ on his online journal.

Ethnic Chinese make up a majority of the city-state's resident population but there are significant numbers of Malay Muslims, ethnic Indians and other groups.

Wednesday, May 20, 2009

ADDRESS BY PRESIDENT S R NATHAN 18 May 2009

ADDRESS BY PRESIDENT S R NATHAN
AT THE OPENING OF PARLIAMENT
ON MONDAY, 18 MAY 2009, 8.30PM


Building Our Future Singapore in an Uncertain World

1. Since Parliament last opened in November 2006, our economy has gone through a roller-coaster ride. 2006 and 2007 were very good years, with growth averaging 8%. But then the global financial crisis hit us and last year growth fell to 1%. This year will be worse. Our GDP is expected to decline by 6-9%, with rising unemployment.

2. Fortunately, we did not slacken when conditions were favourable earlier. We restructured the economy, upgraded our workforce and attracted many new investments and high-value jobs. We also strengthened our social safety nets. We introduced the Workfare Income Supplement Scheme to help low-income workers, and launched CPF LIFE to provide Singa¬poreans a lifelong income into old age. We invested in our health system and enhanced our 3Ms financing framework to assure every Singaporean access to high quality healthcare.

3. More importantly, we steered clear of excesses during the boom years. We strengthened our revenue base, budgeted within our means and accumulated reserves for a rainy day. We supervised our banks to be prudent, and avoided a credit bubble. When the financial crisis struck, we were in a strong position. We could take decisive measures – the SPUR scheme and the Resilience Package – to help companies and workers to save jobs. We did not have to borrow. Having steadily built up reserves, we could draw on them, with my approval, to fund the Jobs Credit scheme and the Special Risk-Sharing Initiative.

4. In this crisis, our immediate priority is to see Singapore through. Our best strategy is still to help companies to stay viable and continue employing workers. We must keep up the effort to up-skill and re-skill our workers to become more employable and productive, in a changing economy. NTUC is at the forefront of these efforts, working shoulder to shoulder with Government and employers. Meanwhile, our economic agencies are continuing to draw in new investments and jobs. Our response to the crisis has strengthened Singapore’s reputation, is yielding results, and will put us in a strong position for the future.

Emerging in a Different World

5. When the storm clears, we cannot expect the world to be as before. A consensus is growing that the world is in for an extended period of slow growth. The problem of bad banking assets in many countries, especially the US and Europe, will take several years to unwind. Asian demand will grow, but not enough to make up for the drop from developed countries. Meanwhile developing countries will be upgrading their infrastructure and workforce, and acquiring new capabilities. China and India will emerge as stronger competitors, though they will also offer new opportunities.

6. All these economic problems will put pressure on govern¬ments to shield domestic industries and markets from foreign competition and imports. If governments succumb, international trade will be damaged and globali¬sation which has benefited many countries will be disrupted. Fortunately, so far the back-sliding on free trade has been limited. Hopefully, the major economies will recognise the dangers of protectionism, and cooperate to keep markets open and trade flowing.

7. Economic troubles can have social and political consequences too. There have been large demonstrations and strikes in Europe. So far the economic woes have not led to serious tensions between countries, but this could happen. In our region, relations among ASEAN countries remain good, though several ASEAN members are preoccupied with domestic problems and priorities.

8. Singa¬pore is a small country, highly integrated into the world economy. For our security and prosperity, we rely on global order and regional stability. But in the aftermath of the crisis, the redrawn global landscape will be less benign and predictable. It will be a challenging environment for Singa¬pore.

Building Our Future Singapore

9. We must prepare ourselves for these challenges. We rightly worry about the difficulties ahead. But, remember that all countries are also facing serious challenges of their own in this environment, and we are better equipped and prepared than most countries to tackle ours. We enjoy high international standing, and our success and capabilities are widely admired. If any country can surmount these problems and turn adversity into advantage, Singa¬pore can. We must take steps to emerge from this global crisis stronger economically, socially, and politically.

Enhancing our Economic Competitiveness

10. Sustaining economic growth will always be a high priority. Our basic approach to promoting growth has been to stay competitive, upgrade our people, develop new capabilities, and create an outstanding pro-business environment. Then we can rely on free markets, free trade and entrepre¬neurship to create wealth for individuals and the country. This is how Singapore has consistently developed year after year, and over time totally transformed our economy and our people’s lives.

11. This basic approach remains sound. For example, our R&D efforts are making headway. We are not only doing high quality scientific work, but also attracting investments that exploit our growing R&D capabilities, for example in pharmaceuticals, solar energy, and new media. Many of these investments are world-class projects, where a single plant in Singa¬pore produces a large share of world output. More Singapore companies are taking advantage of markets abroad. This is what globalisation means, in practical terms, for Singa¬pore.

12. However, we need to review our specific strategies for growing different sectors of our economy, to adapt to the changed environment. We will have to develop new markets, adapt to changing trends and master new capabilities in manufacturing, services and other emerging industries.

13. Once we start growing again, we will face increasing constraints of our limited land and labour. We must make well-judged trade-offs to optimise our potential. We must also consider new factors, such as reducing energy consumption and carbon dioxide emissions to achieve sustainable development and stay ahead as an Asian city with a high quality of life.

14. How can we capitalise on new markets and emerging industries for growth and diversification? How can we build new capabilities and anchor value in Singapore for the long term? How can we deploy our finite resources to maximum effect? And how can we create good, high-value jobs for Singaporeans? These questions need fresh rethinking, and creative answers. If all of us in the public and private sectors put our minds together, I am confident we will develop new ideas to help Singapore transform, advance and prosper in its next phase of growth.

Strengthening Social Cohesion

15. Even as we promote economic growth, we must also strengthen our social cohesion. The challenging times will put stresses on our society and our families, but we must manage these stresses and meet the challenges as one people. We will then emerge from the current crisis stronger.

16. Globalisation benefits Singa¬pore tremendously, but it also widens income gaps and will continue to put pressure on lower-skilled, less-educated workers. The Govern¬ment has done much to help this group upgrade, and to supplement their wages. In this downturn, lower-income Singa¬poreans will not be left to fend for themselves. We must help every worker train and prepare for new jobs, and especially ensure that children from vulnerable families enjoy every opportunity to reach their full potential in education. Only when all of us share the benefits of globalisation and growth, can we stay united regardless of rich or poor.

17. We must also bring new people with diverse skills and experiences into Singapore, to contribute to our economy and society and help grow our population over the long term. But new arrivals and foreign workers may cause concern because of our unfamiliarity with their different accents and habits, and because of competition in workplaces. I hope that Singapo¬reans will appreciate how we benefit from the contributions of non-citizens and new citizens, and welcome them into our midst. It is equally important that the newcomers make the effort to adjust and integrate into our society, and have their children grow up side by side with the children of earlier Singa¬poreans. Then the next generation will be indistinguishable and will collectively build Singapore’s future. That is how our immigrant society became what we are today.

18. New infectious diseases are another test of our social cohesion. The SARS outbreak in 2003 taught us the critical importance of responding as one people to a new and frightening disease. Influenza A (H1N1) is a different threat – more easily transmitted, but so far less lethal. We must respond to this new health threat just as rationally, vigorously and cohesively as we did to SARS. We must take sensible precautions, safeguarding public health, and keeping up confidence and morale as together we fight a shared danger.

19. The escape and recent recapture of Mas Selamat reminds us of the threat of extremist terrorism, not only to our security but also to our racial and religious harmony. Mas Selamat’s recapture is not the end of the terrorism threat. This episode is a sharp reminder of the cost of complacency and the need for constant vigilance. But it also reminds us to continue building trust and confidence between the different communities, for example through the Community Engagement Programme.

20. The recent AWARE episode highlighted another aspect of social harmony – the need for all groups to practise tolerance, restraint and mutual respect in order to live peacefully together in a multi-racial, multi-religious society. This applies not just to religious groups venturing into the secular domain, but also to secular groups which want to strongly push their views and change our social norms.

21. Our diversity is what makes our society lively, outward looking and innovative. Our diversity also helps us to get on with people from all round the world, and makes us uniquely suited to being a global hub. But Singa¬pore cannot just be a collection of different communities. We must remain cohesive and continue to build our common Singaporean identity with each new generation. Then we can become a more vibrant and cosmopolitan city, while strengthening our unique Singaporean values and character.

Upgrading Education

22. Whether it is to promote economic growth, narrow the income gap or bond the next generation, education is key. Education is our best investment in Singapore’s future. Our education system is designed to give each and every child the best opportunity to stretch his abilities. All our schools maintain high standards, and prepare our young to seize their own opportunities in a complex, dynamic and uncertain world. We will do better, by building more peaks of excellence, and establishing new pathways and programmes to cater to students with different aptitudes, interests and learning styles.

23. We are also strengthening higher education to meet growing aspirations and train the skilled professional and creative manpower we will need. Our aim is to have 30% of our students admitted to state-supported universities. Having studied many alternative ways to achieve this, we have decided to create not one, but two new institutions. The first will be a new institute which will partner foreign universities that offer degree courses, to open more direct routes for polytechnic graduates to obtain degrees. The second will be a new university, which will be set up in close partnership with one leading university each from the US and China. These two institutions will open up more opportunities for students to upgrade themselves.


Ensuring Security and Enlarging Our External Space

24. Maintaining a safe and secure Singapore is a basic precondition for our people to pursue their dreams. As a small state, we must understand and influence our environment in order to enlarge our external space. Post crisis, the US will remain the leading power in the world, and the key to a coherent and stable global system. But in Asia, China and India will play growing roles. Stable relations between the US and China will be vital to solving many international issues, and to integrating an emerging Asia into the global community.

25. Our diplomacy must adjust to these new realities. Small as we are, we must participate actively at international forums like the UN and IMF, among others, and do our modest part in international efforts to further the common interests of nations, for example by participating in UN anti-piracy operations off the coast of Somalia. We must work with our partners in ASEAN, APEC and other regional forums, to foster regional cooperation and economic integration. Thus we help to keep our region peaceful, safeguard our interests, and make friends around the world.

26. Effective diplomacy depends on our ability to protect ourselves. Therefore, we will continue to build the 3rd Generation SAF, to defend Singa¬pore and contribute to regional security. We will also maintain an effective Home Team, working closely with the community to keep Singapore safe and secure.

Creating a First Class Home

27. With a cohesive society and stable external environment, we can build a first class home in Singa¬pore, where all citizens have full opportunities to achieve their aspirations.

28. Over the next few years, Singapore will be transformed physically. A new skyline will emerge around the Marina Bay. We are rejuvenating our housing estates: the Home Improvement Programme and Neighbourhood Renewal Programme are ramping up, and the Lift Upgrading Programme will be completed by 2014. We will double our rail network to 280 km by 2020. We are building park connectors, and new sports and leisure facilities all over the island. Our reservoirs, canals and drains are being transformed into recreational spaces through the Active, Beautiful and Clean Waters programmes. We are protecting nature and greenery even as we grow as a dense, urbanised city.

29. But it is not enough to have a first-world infrastructure and environment. We must match this with a gracious people who are courteous to one another, welcoming to visitors and new citizens, and worthy ambassadors for Singa¬pore when we travel abroad. We must raise our standards of social behaviour, so that Singapore becomes a more pleasant society to live in. We must also develop our arts and culture to be enjoyed by all citizens. This should be a city where all can feel safe and secure, living among people whom we respect and belong with, and whose cultures we share and take pride in.



Evolving our Political System

30. We can do all this – develop our economy, strengthen our social cohesion, upgrade our education system, safeguard our security, enlarge our external space and create a first class home – because our politics is sound. Our political system encourages strong and effective government, worthy of Singaporeans, and responsive to the people’s needs and aspirations. This system relies upon and brings forward political leaders who are committed and capable, and who have the mandate to work with citizens to build the economy, strengthen our society and improve all our lives. In a more challenging and uncertain world, a sound political system and good leadership are all the more important.

31. However, our political system is not set in stone. Singa¬pore politics must evolve over time, as the world and our society change. It must respond to new circumstances and goals, and continue to deliver good government to Singa¬pore.
Our leadership team too must self-renew. We must continue to induct new leaders in touch with the new generation, who understand how Singa¬pore works and who bring with them fresh thinking and energy to set and achieve new goals. For our political system to continue working well, we must find outstanding, younger men and women to lead Singa¬pore.

32. Provided we keep our system up-to-date, and our leaders stay in close touch with new trends and a new electorate, then we can continue to deliver high quality government, and keep Singa¬pore secure and vibrant in the years ahead.

Conclusion

33. This is the 50th year since Singapore became a self-governing state. We have come a long way since 1959. Through many vicissitudes, we have made steady progress, and built today’s Singa¬pore. Few among the dozens of other ex-colonies which became independent around the same period have done as well. Our success has been the result of right policies, good government, and a united people.

34. The present world situation is graver than any in our experience. We are well prepared for it. We have been through crises before, and always emerged stronger. This adversity is another opportunity to temper and bond our people.

35. Let us commit ourselves to building on what we have achieved, coming through with flying colours once more, and making Singa¬pore shine as a country where we work and play together, overcome challenges shoulder to shoulder, and build our future as one people.

36. For this is Our Home, Our Future, and Our Singapore.

Tuesday, May 19, 2009

The changing face of JI

The changing face of JI
It is plugged to wider global terror network, loyalties remain strong
By Zakir Hussain
9 May 2009
SINGAPORE, May 9 — The capture of Jemaah Islamiah (JI) leader Mas Selamat Kastari on the outskirts of Johor Baru once again raises the question of just how alive and vibrant the JI terror network is in the region.

The arrests and incarceration of key JI leaders in recent years, the absence of a major terror attack in Southeast Asia since 2005, and the unrelenting efforts of regional governments have crippled the JI network considerably.

But the JI has also adapted.

So in spite of the region's persistence in weeding out the terror menace, the danger is far from over.

That Mas Selamat was able to stay under the radar in Johor for over a year after he escaped from the Whitley Road Detention Centre suggests that there is a surviving JI network in the state and it remains committed to the organisation and its struggle.

Members may not be up to much by way of terror plots, but the indoctrination and loyalties remain strong.

“It suggests the JI network in Malaysia may be less destroyed than we thought,” said International Crisis Group (ICG) analyst Sidney Jones.

Mas Selamat's arrest occurred around the same time that Malaysian authorities captured three others for JI-related activities.

Agus Salim, a 32-year-old Indonesian, was arrested in March and two Malaysians, Abdul Matin Anol Rahmat and Johar Hassan, were detained on April 1.

The wider JI network — scattered around the region — also remains plugged into the wider global terror network.

And it has not been quiet.

Malaysian Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak yesterday said Mas Selamat was “planning a lot of things in Singapore”.

“His main focus at the time was Singapore,” he added.

So while Mas Selamat's capture may have dealt a blow to the JI's plans, the group is far from being snuffed out.

After all, the JI movement has deep roots in this part of the world, and has proven time and again its ability to morph with the times.

While JI as an organisation came to light only eight years ago, when the authorities in Singapore and Malaysia disrupted several active cells, its roots stretch way back to the Darul Islam movement which emerged in the 1940s in Java with the aim of creating an Islamic state in Indonesia through armed struggle.

Successive crackdowns by the Indonesian government over the years only intensified members' resolve.

Several radical elements went into exile in Malaysia in the 1980s and there formed the JI, which went on to send batches of youth — including several Singaporeans — to train for battle in Afghanistan and Pakistan.

As security clampdowns after the 2002 Bali bombing made it harder for these groups to operate in the open, a number of ideologues have turned to new media to gain and retain support for their cause.

A recent study by the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS) and the Australian Strategic Policy Institute found that some of these sites no longer confine themselves to celebrating terrorist victories in places like Afghanistan and Iraq and to spreading material from Al-Qaeda and JI.

A few are using the Internet to share know-how on hacking into websites, bomb-making and use of firearms, the study said.

Another report by the ICG in March 2008 noted that as the organisational JI weakened, several of its members have taken to a profitable publishing industry.

Among them is the Ar-Rahmah media company, chaired by Muhammad Jibriel Abdul Rahman, a former member of JI's Al-Ghuraba cell which was set up by JI operations chief Hambali — now in custody in Guantanamo Bay — to groom future JI leaders.

During school vacations, some were sent to train with the militant group Lashkar-e-Toiba, while others were trained to handle weapons and explosives at Al-Qaeda camps in Afghanistan.

The cell, which was based in Karachi, Pakistan, was dispersed in 2003 after a security crackdown there. Some of those who returned home have been detained, but others have not.

The Ar-Rahmah company went on to pioneer the sale of VCDs from Al-Qaeda and other militant groups, to whip up sentiment against the West.

Last year, the Jakarta-based company launched a glossy magazine, Jihad Magz, which gives widespread coverage of militant acts in other parts of the world.

These media efforts may be an attempt to focus on outreach and recruitment to rebuild the weakened JI, the ICG added.

Other elements of the JI have also argued for a shift in focus to political and social activity in place of violence, in order to win more grassroots support in bringing about the Islamic state they yearn for.

Dr Tim Huxley, executive director of the International Institute of Strategic Studies-Asia, said this adjustment in JI doctrine arose because the many civilian casualties in JI attacks had caused “a real revulsion” against JI among ordinary Indonesians.

In a recent article, Boston-based analyst Zachary Abuza described JI's engagement in the political process, through groups like the Majelis Mujahidin Indonesia, as a cynical short-term tactic in its longer-term strategy to eradicate democracy.

Elements in JI remain committed to linking up with Al-Qaeda for funds and equipment to launch acts of terror.

The trial of Indonesian JI leaders Agus Purwantoro and Abu Husna, who were caught in Malaysia last year and sentenced to nine years' jail in Indonesia in February, showed that both men were on their way to Iraq to seek funds from Al-Qaeda leaders.

They were carrying a laptop that had a detailed funding proposal for explosives and operating expenses.

Several JI members are also seeking refuge in the southern Philippines, a situation Huxley says indicates the extent to which they are harassed elsewhere.

Still, while JI is on the defensive, it is far from out, if its support base and militant rhetoric are anything to go by. — Straits Times

Mas Selamat Caught - May 9, 2009 ST

May 9, 2009
Terrorism threat not over

SINGAPOREAN must continue to keep their guard up without getting fatigued or complacent, even as wanted terrorist Mas Selamat Kastari has been arrested in Malaysia, said Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong on Saturday.
'The terrorism situation in Southeast Asia is under control, but the threat is far from over,' he said in his first remarks on the re-capture of the Singapore Jemaah Islamiah (J) terror leader by Malaysian Special Branch in Skudai, Johor Baru, on April 1, after being on the run for over a year.

PM Lee said for every attack reported in the newspapers there are many more plots which the security agencies uncover, track and hopefully disrupt.

'These never make it into the public consciousness, but we know about them from intelligence reports,' he said in a statement commenting on the Mas Selamat's arrest, which was reported by The Straits Times on Friday, and confirmed by Singapore and Malaysian home ministers on the same day.

'Our challenge is to keep up our guard without getting fatigued or complacent. The price of security is eternal vigilance.'

Mr Lee said the JI group remains active in the region, which must work together to counter them as well as other such groups.

This was a point he made to Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak at a four-eye lunch in Pattaya on April 11, after the Asean summit was called off because of the 'Red Shirt' demonstrations.

During the meeting, Datuk Seri Najib told Mr Lee that the Malaysian authorities had nabbed Mas Selamat, whose escape from the Whitley Road Detention Centre on Feb 27 last year sparked the biggest manhunt in Singapore's history and prompted Interpol to issue a global security alert.

Mas Selamat fled Singapore by swimming across the Johor Strait with the help of an 'improvised flotation device,' said Deputy Prime Minister Wong Kan Seng at a media briefing on Friday. He said Singapore government was informed of the arrest 'soon after' the fugitive was caught, adding that the arrest is the result of the strong co-operation between security agencies on both sides.

In his statement on Saturday, PM Lee said he told Datuk Seri Najib that he especially appreciated the close cooperation and trust between ISD and the Malaysian Special Branch, and thanked Malaysia for its generous support and help.

COMMENTS BY PRIME MINISTER LEE HSIEN LOONG ON THE RE-ARREST OF MAS SELAMAT KASTARI

I had a four-eye lunch with Datuk Seri Najib in Pattaya on 11 April. It was an impromptu arrangement which we made after the ASEAN meeting was called off because of the Red Shirt demonstrations. Datuk Seri Najib told me that the Malaysians had arrested Mas Selamat Kastari. I responded that I had been informed about this, and thanked him for Malaysia's generous support and help. I said that the terrorism problem affects both of us. The JI group remains active in the region, and we must work together to counter them as well as other such groups. I especially appreciated the close cooperation and trust between ISD and its Malaysian counterpart, the Special Branch.

DPM Wong Kan Seng had earlier told me about Mas Selamat's rearrest by the Malaysians. I knew that ISD had been working hard on the case, and had found some leads which they had given to the Malaysian authorities. But we could not say anything publicly or else it would jeopardise the operation. I was happy and relieved that Mas Selamat had been found and arrested before he had done any harm. Kan Seng told me that the Malaysians had asked us to keep this quiet for the time being. I replied that we had to respect this, even though I knew that Singaporeans would be very anxious to know the news. So we held the information very tightly.

On Thursday afternoon when the all Ministers were having our weekly Pre-Cabinet lunch, Kan Seng received a phone call informing him that the Straits Times had asked ISD to confirm their scoop which the ST said it came from the KL correspondent, that Mas Selamat has been arrested by the Malaysians. As the story had leaked, we had no choice but to confirm it. It was only then that Kan Seng told the Ministers that Mas Selamat had been arrested, the news had leaked, and we would be confirming the story. They were taken completely by surprise.

I thank all the officers who have been involved in hunting for and tracking down Mas Selamat over this last year. I never had any doubt that we would eventually find Mas Selamat, because I knew the quality and commitment of the officers working on this. ISD had recovered quickly from the mistakes which led to Mas Selamat's escape, put things right, and set themselves to finding and arresting him back. But nevertheless it is good that we have now got him. Our security agencies work quietly and anonymously, keeping Singapore safe. The public only hears about their work occasionally, for example when things go wrong. But we owe them more than most Singaporeans realise.

We must not think that Mas Selamat's arrest is the end of our problem. The terrorism situation in Southeast Asia is under control, but the threat is far from over. Once in a while there is an attack somewhere, so far fortunately not in
Singapore. But for every attack reported in the newspapers there are many more plots which the security agencies uncover, track and hopefully disrupt. These never make it into the public consciousness, but we know about them from intelligence reports. Our challenge is to keep up our guard without getting fatigued or complacent. The price of security is eternal vigilance.

PRIME MINISTER’S OFFICE
9 MAY 2009